Book Review of Clare Solomon and Tania Palmieri edited, "SPRINGTIME: THE NEW STUDENT REBELLIONS" published by Verso Books

If one leafs through the book “Springtime: The New Student Rebellions,” s/he cannot resist the temptation of reading it. It has an extensive collection of photo essays that show what happened recently. The flashbacks in midst of the essays, written during and within the movements of the past (like France '68), by authors like Eric Habsbawn, Fritz Tuefel, Ernest Mandel, Vittorio Riesser, Andre Glucksmann and Angelo Quattrochi show what had happened earlier. Together with the essays, articles and reports it shows, ‘this has happened, this is happening and this will be happening, till…’

Books of this sort have been published in the past but what makes this book unique is its time of publication and the multiple perspectives it presents against capitalism. At this time when there are talks of “end of history,”, “there is no alternative” and anti-capitalism ridiculed in circles of so called academics and intellectuals that have constructed and taken over the ideological problematic of the people of the world, this books comes as a spear to shatter the subversive problematic into pieces. For the forced blind by the media, it comes as light. It shows how flesh and blood can instrumentalise ‘networking,’ electronic media and even create new media. Most importantly it shows, itself included, what can be done at war time and in the war zone. 

The book is divided into six parts explicating the six contemporary movements. In the first part that deals with the student protests of UK in November-December, 2010 contains articles by known and, more importantly, unknown figures of the resistance movement.  Every article is within the scope of the movement but each gives particular perspective to see it.  The first essay by University of London Union President, Clare Solomon, shows how distorted images of students’ zeal on the day of the Millbank Towers were presented by the media and the brutalities of police on students. James Meadley’s essay is an attempt to locate the (cause of) student rebellion in the British economic policies. Kanja Sassay deals with the issue of racism through an engagement with the issue of black students. Ashok Kumar shows the transformation of the London School of Economics into a site of student revolt. Nina Power, a senior lecturer reveals of threats that she had been receiving from Scotland Yard Police for supporting the movement. Her article also deals with the commodification of education. Susan Matthews, parent of a student injured in the protest shows her solidarity with the movement a la, what she calls, ‘Blake’s hackneyed image in a new way.’ Hesham Yafai shows how the movement was able to place itself within larger struggles like those in Gaza and elsewhere. Peter Hallward, in his article, shows how the students had acted in discipline and restraint till the containment operations by police began. John Rees’ article is a theoretical contribution to the book. Elly Badcock writes how the students’ movements of 2009 of SOAS Universities against Israili atrocities was an useful experience that enabled the2010 protests to tak up the right tactics. James Haywood stresses on the explosive spontaneity of the Millbank protests.  Jo Casserly, in her essay, “the art of occupation,” shows her vigilantism against the bureaucratization of the movement and poses that occupations are not an end in themselves. Jody McIntyre gives a first hand report of her experience from the 'thrashed' headquarters(she is someone who went up the building in a wheelchair; her article is called “My wheelchair is the beginning.”)on the day of action. A short piece by four teenage, college going students(Adam Toulmin, Kaity Squires, Stuart O’Reilly and Adam Toulmin) show their illusions of the State and University being welfarist, shattered. Amy Gilligan reports what happened in Cambridge throughout the movement. In the end of this section, there is a list of links to websites which show videos of the protest movement.

The second section is a collection of a number of previously published essays and a few new ones on the demonstrations in Italy. Contributors include Guilio Calella, Marco Bascetta and Benedetto Vecci; Giacomo Russo Spena, and  Elisa Albansi (a letter to Berlusconi), who deal with political economy contextualizing the demonstrations. First hand reports of demonstrations follow thiese. Apart from the pieces by individuals, there are a few interesting pieces by collectives. The ‘Book Block,’ presents a narrative of the emergence of the movement and its ways of propaganda that included holding large sized placards looking like books. It also gives a recipe of how to make such books and photographs of students holding the book-placards. The ‘Autonomous University Collective,’ gives a meaningful insight of the “Black Block.”       

The third section is on protests in California. Introduced by Evan Calder Williams, a writer, theorist and a doctoral candidate in literature from Santa Cruz University California; followed by a chronology of events it shows potentialities that are not made apparent by the bourgeois ideologues. The section has a collection of essays by anonymous people and by collectives. The first essay explicates how ‘the student’ has been in a process of subsumption whose realization comes in ‘the terminus of student life.’ There is the statement from the occupation of Graduate Students Commons, UC Santa Cruz; and statement from of Campbell Hall UCLA. These statement to speak for and about themselves. Then there is an essay which its anonymous author titles, “the beatings will continue.” Written in 18 October 2009, following the occupations of UCSC Humanities II, this piece gives importance to militancy by students to sustain their ‘rights.’ Then there is ‘the anti-capitalist projects: Q &A’ which is presented by its author in the form of questions that include ‘why occupations?’ etc, and his answers to them. The section ends with an ‘assessment’ of a movement UC from within the movement showing the brutal face of authorities. Jose Laguarta, President of Peurto Rican Association of University Professors(APPU) gives a narrative of the movement, its problems and prospects.

The fourth section deals with the revolts in France from May, 1968 through and to 2010. It includes essays by Sebastian Budgen, Richard Greeman, Lea Guzzo and Larry Portis.

The fifth section has articles/essay from the revolts in Greece, from 2006 to 2010. Spyros Dritsas, now a Resident Physician in Surgery was a member and spokesperson of Coordination of Students’ Unions General Assemblies and Occupations in 2006-2007. Georos Kalampokaswas also a member of the same during 2006-2007. Together they give an elaborate narrative of the ‘stage becoming unstable.’ Ilias Kafelas, Eirini Giatanou write about the period of 2010. Panagiotis Sotiris writes about economic crisis, and education as a site of struggle. This is followed by a section called ‘the movement speaks for itself,’ where various students’ associations and Unions write their perspectives of the movement.

The last sections deals with the anti-authoritarian movement in Tunisia aimed at overthrowing the Ben Ali regime. Leila Basmoudi, a painter; Toufik Ben Brik, a journalist and writer; Moncez Marzouki, author of Dictateurs en suris; Sadri Khiari, an activist exiled under Ben Ali write against the authoritarian regime of Ben Ali that had support of US and French State. Yasim Temlali, an Algerian writer and researcher, writes how the socio-economic grounds of the Tunisian and Algerian revolts of 2011 had a logical unity. More on Algerian movement is written by Omar Kitani, an activist and supporter of Aboishion ofTthird World Debt Committee. Yassin Temlani, an Algerian researcher, writes of dangers that loom over the movement. The section ends with Amin Allal’s open letter to all.

The postscript of the book by Adam Shatz , written at the time when, Mubarak regime was facing troubles why his fall was desirable and most probable. Well, today we know what happened to that regime. The paradoxical incompleteness of the book shall progressively disturb those subjugated throughout the world.    

Interaction V: Ganja smoking unemployed engineer speaks

The person with whom this interaction has been taken was one of the best students in his school days. Apart from being a good in academics, he was the Captain of a local cricket team. He started taking ganja(weeds), as he says, from highschool. In engineering colleges in Orissa, of which I happen to be a part, there are groups that take ganja regularly. The following is an interaction with a person who has completed his engineering  and is back ‘preparing’ for jobs. He shares, through a narrative of his own, his existential trajectory with an emphasis on ganja. The following are in his own words.

I was introduced to ganja when I was in high school (12^th standard). I was about eighteen years old then. A friend of mine heard about it and asked me and six of my friends that would we like to have a try. We were all tobacco smokers. We said yes and he said that, he would try to find out where it was available. He got one ‘joint’(ganja and tobacco mixed and rolled like a cigarette) for us that cost us Rs.5 and all six of us took a couple drags each approximately. This was the first time we tried ganja. As far as I remember, people who had anxieties in their lives (then that was chiefly related to love) started becoming, sort of, what I would call, paranoid. Others enjoyed it. I was finding it very funny. All of us were laughing. Some of them were trying to get out of the hit as soon as possible.  We were all laughing, at our own condition as well as at others. I remember it like it happened yesterday. I believed the amount that we had taken could produce panic that some others were showing.
Then occasionally we used to take ganja. The usual amount was one ‘joint’ per three people. And usually it was the same effect produced. The second time we noticed the external physical effect. Eyes were red, etc. We enjoyed what we did. We laughed away anything that appeared then. It was a small amount that we took and the effect didn’t last long. In that sense it was better than alcohol. Our beautiful atmosphere was confined to the boundaries of our brain. No one could have any idea of what was going on inside our heads and passerby’s could guess that we are under dope. We realised this after the passing away of the ‘dope mood.’ Unlike after taking alchohol, we could socialize after sometime. We were discussing these things amongst ourselves.
Then some of us went to do our undergraduate degrees. Some were preparing for entrance tests to get into govt. medical colleges(there was tough competition and usually people dropped out of academics in order to prepare for entrance tests). One of my six ganja friends got a seat after dropping out for three years. I too dropped  for a year and went to this coaching centre[1]. I again doped in the later part of this year and it was once or twice that I did it. Unfortunately I did not clear the tests and got into an engineering college. After making friends with them, I asked a few people who were into ganja or not. Few people said that they had tried it and few were acquainted with it. So, I asked if we could do it there. They agreed. We realized it became a ‘symbol of fraternity,’ for those who used ganja. We went on outings there and it was easy to find ganja there. By then, I needed two ‘joints,’ for going high. I felt ganja near the college was a little worse in quality than Cuttack ‘joint’. Then I made joints together with better quality of tobacco mixed.  I have never disappointed myself with the joints that I rolled myself. I could go really ‘high.’
I adored someone who was a very good student and an excellent cricketer. Academically, he was one batch over me. When I discovered that he was also into ganja, we had joints together. He had the craft of an artist in rolling the ‘joints’. We started taking ‘joints’ together, say, about two to three times a week. Then we started using the chillam*. When I first tried ganja in chilam, I threw up but later I got acquainted with and I realized it makes one high quickly. By the time I was in my third year we used to take ‘joints’ or ganja in Chillam regularly in along with freshly admitted juniors into the ‘fraternity.’ Towards the end of final year I can’t recall how many times we doped daily.
In the final year, when there are campus recruitments, my college didn’t bring any core** companies. As I was not interested in software, I didn’t sit for them. Only one core company came later in which I was not eligible because I had a backlog. Only one student out of 318 students could make it through to Vedanta, who, paradoxically wasn’t of core branch. But that is immaterial here. I have left Rayagara since mid 2010. Now I’m back with few of my old friends. We use Chillam rarely but in the evening we get together take joints. Have some good time and get back.
Rest of the day, I study. I am preparing for public sector. My aim in life is satisfaction and not just earning and so I chose private sector over public sector. The lifestyle in public sector is different from private sector where they screw for 12 hours. I’ve been inspired by my father. He does work, takes care of us. I want life to be complete. I rejected software jobs that paid about two lakhs per annum in Bhubaneswar. Though my trade doesn’t allow me to stay near home, given a chance, I would love to stay near home. 

*A funnel traditionally used to smoke ganja.

** A term used popularly used to represent mechanical, electrical or construction related studies in  Engineering college. It excludes Computer Science and Information Technology. 

    

[1] There are a number of coaching institutes in Bhubaneswar and Cuttack where tens of thousands of students go to prepare for entrance exams. The coaching includes regular exams and every coaching institute stresses for preparing by intensive study for at least 12-14 hours a day. During the period, this person appeared for his tests, there were about 300 seats and 70,000 aspirants in Orissa.

Interaction IV: An auto driver speaks of his occupation

The term auto is(popularly) used in Bhubaneswar for a three wheeled vehicle that is the major mode of conveyance of passengers within Bhubaneswar. According to institutional norms, it can carry three passengers and the rates are fixed (except if a passenger volunteers to reserve the auto). For about three kilometers, a passenger has to pay Rs.9. The rate of diesel is around Rs.43 and an auto shows an average mileage of 30km/l. The following is an interaction with an auto driver (name: Jogi Das; age: 45) of Bhubaneshwar which I have translated from Oriya.

I was born and brought up in Bhubaneswar, though I have a paternal house at Jatni, Khorda District. My father used to have a Oriya fast food shop. Initially I worked as a helper in Bus services*.  Then with some accumulated money I bought an auto and had been driving the auto for two years. Then, due to maintenance problems, I had to sell it off. Now I drive on a contractual basis. The owner gives me the auto for the whole day and I pay him Rs.130 (whether I have earned that much or not doesn’t matter). It depends on the auto drivers to decide whether he can earn that much from the auto he  hires; rates vary from 130-200 in Bhubaneswar. It depends on where  there is more chance of earning, condition of vehicle, etc. My earnings are around Rs.150 to Rs.200 per day.
We have eighty autos in our stand. The one who reaches the stand in the morning first has to write his name in a register that is maintained by our stand. According to the numbering, when passengers come we take them. In Bhubaneswar, there is an association called auto Mahasangh, organized by Sibananda Ray and other leaders, where auto drivers and auto owners go and meet once in a month, though it is not mandatory. Under this association there are several smaller auto associations like ours dispersed over the whole of Bhubaneswar. We individually pay Rs.50 per month to the Mahasangh. The Bhubaneswar auto Mahasangh’s work is to sort out disputes between auto owners and drivers, to take care of drivers if there are any fights or accidents, etc. We go to the stand to sort out problems/fights that might have taken place amongst ourselves. Also in festive occasions, the Mahasangh’s advice is taken. There are certain rules set by the Mahasangh like drivers from other auto stands (located elsewhere in Bhubaneswar) cannot take passengers from our stands. The traffic commissioner of Bhubaneswar has a rule that every auto driver needs to have have and Identity Card, without which the auto driver will be fined Rs. 100. The Mahasangh makes it mandatory that every auto driver has his I Card with him. The driver pays the fine, not the owner.
Iif suddenly, the auto hiring rate is hiked by auto owners, the driver has to decide whether he can continue driving with the hiked price or will he have to quit driving that auto. Mahasangh doesn’t interfere in such matters. Usually we agree because if we don’t get any other auto, we’ll have to sit at home without earning.
The Mahasangh decides the rate chart on our behalf. When there are hikes in prices of oil, we go on strike under the Mahasangh that demands a re-structuring of prices for driving from one place to another in Bhubaneswar. If the strike is strong enough, the prices are hiked or else it is kept as it was. It depends on how the leaders of the Mahasangh deal with the matter and their relation with bigger leaders of Political parties. 

My interruption: You never ask for reduction in oil prices?

How can we ask for that? Once the price of something has gone up, it is useless to ask for reduction in price. It is not in our hands.
In Gandamunda, I have build a two room thatched house on Government land. See, we can’t afford private land. There are 60-70 similar houses in our region.
We do not belong to any political party but are afraid to take our autos out on the days when any party BJP, BJD or Congress calls for strike. There are hooliganisms on the road and we fear that our autos might get damaged in those.  So, we sit in our stands but do not take passengers. Except concerning autos, we never indulge in any daliya (organisational) calls for strike. Some of us might individually go for his political interests but we don’t go.

*Later he said it was a private bus. Helpers are low paid in private buses.